King Mahendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev, who reigned over Nepal from 1955 to 1972, remains one of the most polarizing figures in the nation’s history. Celebrated for his ambitious modernization projects, he is equally infamous for dissolving Nepal’s fledgling democracy and imposing an autocratic regime. Decades after his death, the question lingers: Was King Mahendra the biggest criminal in Nepal’s history? This article delves into his legacy, weighing his achievements against his controversies, and compares his rule to other dark chapters in Nepal’s past, drawing on historical records, expert opinions, and contemporary perspectives.

A King’s Vision Takes Root

Born on June 11, 1920, in Kathmandu, Mahendra ascended the throne following the death of his father, King Tribhuvan, on March 13, 1955. His reign unfolded against the backdrop of a Nepal emerging from over a century of isolation under the Rana dynasty, overthrown in 1951. Mahendra inherited a nation eager for progress but fractured by political instability and geopolitical pressures from neighboring giants, India and China. His early life under Rana supervision shaped a worldview that prized centralized control and national unity—principles that would define his rule.

Mahendra’s contributions to Nepal’s development were monumental. His signature infrastructure project, the East-West Highway, completed in 1961 with aid from the Soviet Union, India, and the Asian Development Bank, stitched together Nepal’s rugged terrain, boosting trade and connectivity. The Araniko Highway, finalized in 1967, linked Nepal to China, securing additional territory through the 1961 Nepal-China Boundary Treaty. Economically, he established the Nepal Rastra Bank in 1956, reducing reliance on Indian currency from 95% to below 60% by issuing Nepal’s first banknotes in 1960. The first Five-Year Plan, launched that same year, prioritized agriculture, education, and infrastructure, while industrial ventures like the Biratnagar Jute Mills and Birgunj Sugar Mill (1964) spurred economic growth with Soviet support.

Education was another cornerstone of his legacy. Under Mahendra, Nepal’s literacy rate climbed from a dismal 5% in 1950 to 18% by 1971. Tribhuvan University, founded in 1959 with funds from selling royal gold jewelry, became a beacon of higher learning. He championed the Nepali language, establishing the Jana Shiksha Samagri Kendra Limited for textbook production and boycotting Indian books to foster cultural independence. Culturally, Mahendra founded the Royal Nepal Academy in 1961, alongside the National Dance Academy and Nepal Academy of Fine Arts, cementing national identity through arts and traditions. The 1962 Constitution introduced national symbols—Lali gurans as the national flower, the cow as the national animal, and the Danphe as the national bird—further embedding a sense of Nepali pride.

Environmental foresight also marked his reign. In 1964, Mahendra established Royal Chitwan National Park, protecting endangered species like the one-horned rhinoceros and Bengal tiger. Afforestation programs countered deforestation, a progressive move in an era when ecological concerns were nascent globally. Socially, he tackled feudalism through land reforms in 1959, 1963, 1964, and 1966, redistributing land to peasants, though implementation faltered. Healthcare advanced with Prasuti Griha, Nepal’s first maternity hospital, opened in 1959, and Kanti Children’s Hospital in 1963. The Malaria Eradication Project, launched in 1958 with USAID, curbed a deadly scourge, while promoting women’s education laid early groundwork for gender equity.

The Shadow of Autocracy

Yet, Mahendra’s achievements are overshadowed by his political actions, which plunged Nepal into an autocratic abyss. On December 15, 1960, he staged a royal coup, dismissing the elected government of Prime Minister B.P. Koirala, dissolving the 1959 Constitution, and banning political parties. In its place, he introduced the partyless Panchayat system, centralizing power under the monarchy. “The constitution is given by the King. It is not supposed to be made by the people,” Mahendra declared, a statement that encapsulated his disdain for democratic ideals.

This move was a seismic blow to Nepal’s young democracy, imprisoning political leaders like Koirala and stifling freedom of press and expression. The regime’s “one-country, one-language, one-monarch, one-dress” policy, mandating the Dhaka topi for official documents, alienated ethnic minorities, while the 1963 Muluki Ain reform, with its harsh penalties, was accused of targeting Brahmin dissenters. Censorship and arbitrary arrests fostered a climate of fear, earning Mahendra the label of autocrat from critics.

Opposition simmered, erupting in a 1962 assassination attempt in Janakpur, where anti-Panchayat youths, led by Durgananda Jha, hurled a bomb at his car. Fifty-nine arrests followed, with three found guilty and one executed—a rare flash of violence that underscored dissent but fell short of implicating Mahendra in mass atrocities. His land reforms, while ambitious, were riddled with loopholes, failing to dismantle inequality by his death in 1972, leaving a legacy of unfulfilled promises.

A Global and Historical Lens

Mahendra’s actions must be contextualized within the 1950s and 1960s, a tumultuous era of global transition. Many post-colonial nations adopted autocratic measures to stave off instability as Cold War tensions escalated. Mahendra’s fear of communist encroachment from China and his strategic alignment with India likely fueled the Panchayat system, which he framed as a bulwark against foreign interference. Nepal’s entry into the United Nations in 1955 and its Security Council terms in 1969 and 1988 under his reign reflect his success in elevating Nepal’s global stature.

Mahendra’s rule was neither uniquely repressive nor corrupt compared to regional contemporaries. Unlike leaders who amassed personal fortunes, he channeled resources into national development. The Panchayat system, though undemocratic, allowed limited local governance, offering a veneer of participation. Historians note that his suppression of rights, while severe, lacked the brutality of later periods, complicating efforts to brand him a criminal in the legal sense.

Measuring Against Nepal’s Darkest Chapters

To determine if Mahendra was Nepal’s “biggest criminal,” his record must be weighed against other historical benchmarks. The Maoist insurgency (1996-2006) stands as a stark contrast, claiming over 17,000 lives through extrajudicial killings, torture, and disappearances, as documented by Amnesty International. Both Maoist rebels and state forces committed atrocities, dwarfing the scale of violence under Mahendra, where no mass killings are recorded.

The Rana regime (1846-1951) offers another comparison. While it suppressed rights and kept Nepal isolated, its human rights abuses are less quantified than the Maoist era’s toll. The 2001 Royal Massacre, though shocking, was a singular tragedy unrelated to Mahendra. Against these episodes, Mahendra’s reign appears repressive but restrained, lacking the bloodshed that defines Nepal’s gravest criminal epochs.

Historians and the Public Divide

Historical assessments of Mahendra are split. Swiss scholar Toni Hagen praised him as a “very clever ruler who could handle delicate issues,” highlighting his diplomatic finesse. Nepali historian Triratna Manandhar quotes Surya Bahadur Thapa, a Mahendra confidant, who described him as “shrewd, spoke less, listened to others’ opinions.” Yet, critics decry his democratic betrayal, with no scholarly consensus labeling him a “criminal.” Public perception mirrors this divide—some revere him as a nation-builder, others revere him as a tyrant.

A Complex Legacy Unraveled

King Mahendra’s 17-year reign is a tapestry of progress and paradox. His infrastructure, educational, and cultural initiatives laid the bedrock for modern Nepal, transforming a feudal backwater into a nation with global ties. Yet, his 1960 coup and the Panchayat system cast a long shadow, throttling political freedoms and sparking enduring debate. To call him Nepal’s “biggest criminal” oversimplifies a nuanced legacy, ignoring the historical context of his autocracy and the tangible benefits of his rule.

Compared to the Maoist insurgency’s carnage, Mahendra’s crimes—while significant—pale in scale. He emerges not as Nepal’s worst villain, but as an ambitious autocrat whose vision for unity and development came at the cost of democracy. As Nepal grapples with its past, Mahendra’s story remains a cautionary tale of power’s double-edged sword, inviting reflection on the delicate balance between progress and liberty.

Sources: Encyclopedia of Nepali History, New York Times, Britannica, Amnesty International, Kathmandu Post